El Noticiero de Alvarez Galloso

According to the BBC News Website, Breaking News from Zimbabwe is the following: ZEC [Zimbabwe Electoral Commission] extended the date of the run off elections until the 31st of July 2008. At the same time, Morgan Tsvangirai will be addressing a rally in Bulawayo on the 17th of May 2008 and MDC has declared the extension of the runoff illegal. Again, all eyes must be on Zimbabwe. It appears that there are delay tactics ocurring while “electoral cleansing” occurs.

REFERENCE:

BBC News: “New Deadline for Zimbabwe’s Vote”

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/london/7401479.stm

George Phillies for President 2008

Phillies Reiterates Commitment to Keeping Government out of Abortion Question

Worcester, Mass., May 13: In a statement issued earlier today, Libertarian Presidential candidate George Phillies reiterated his commitment to keeping government at all levels out of the abortion question. “Government, no matter whether state, Federal, or local, has no legitimate right to interfere in your private life or your medical decisions,” he said. “You will not hear me talking about making abortion obsolete, banning abortion, or encouraging abortion.”
Phillies said that he completely supports a woman’s right to choose, but added that he believes the government should likewise respect individuals’ beliefs. “Remember, no matter your side on the issue: Once you agree that our government can intervene in these decisions, you have agreed that a future government that disagrees with your stands can compel you to take actions that you find morally repugnant.”
Phillies compared the position of those who believe abortion should be decided at the state level to that of segregationists in the last century. “All too often, Republican conservatives talk about handing
decisions over to states… The Jim Crow southern conservative ’state’s rights’ doctrine was wrong 50 years ago, and it hasn’t gotten any better since. Whatever powers states may have, one power they do not have is the power to take away your rights. The Federal government is constitutionally forbidden to take away a woman’s right to choose…
“Young people are turning their back on Republican social reactionaries,” Phillies added. “Those young people are the future and opportunity of our party, especially the young people who detest high taxes, invasive federal regulations, and perpetual Republican wars…but only if we show that we are a party that supports social liberty. To do that, we have to stand with our traditional libertarian position on
abortion: Government should have no role in this matter.”

To support the George Phillies campaign, please visit http://ChooseGeorge.org/donation today.
To arrange an interview or obtain a short quote from the candidate, contact:
Carolyn Marbry, Press Director pressdirector@phillies2008.org
(510) 276-3216
George Phillies for President 2008 http://ChooseGeorge.org

I am writing to encourage you to run as a Libertarian for public office in Florida.

Florida Libertarians have a fantastic opportunity to have a substantial Libertarian influence on their community by serving as elected officials on Special Districts. There are over 1,500 Special Districts in Florida; these act as advisory boards that address local issues like community development, soil and water conservation, transportation etc. (http://www.floridaspecialdistricts.org/).

Special Districts are easily accessible to Libertarians, as there are no ballot access restrictions. To be on the ballot in November for a Special District, Libertarians merely must pay a $25 fee and submit their filing papers by June 20th. Special Districts are often uncontested, and are definitely winnable for Libertarian candidates who promote a positive community reputation. Additionally, campaigning for and serving on a Special District requires only a small time commitment, one compatible with your other obligations.

By serving on a Special District board, you can have a significant Libertarian influence on your community and reverse the increasing encroachment of local government. The difference Libertarians can make by serving on a Special District has been proven by the example of the Libertarians who acquired a majority on the Lee County Soil and Water Board (read the story at —-). These Libertarians eliminated the Special District’s excessively inefficient functions, and then returned its $100,000 budget-surplus to the voters.

Furthermore, serving as a Libertarian candidate on a Special District sets the foundation for future Libertarian candidates running for higher offices. For example, the Libertarians serving on the Lee County Soil and Water Board proved to their constituents that Libertarians are not typical politicians, rather than expanding their power they returned it to the people. In this way, local Libertarian elected officials can show their community that the Libertarian Party is a principled political party, which they should support. Only with the help of individuals like you volunteering for candidacy can we give voters a Libertarian choice, so please, make this invaluable contribution and run for a Special District in your community!
We would love to see many Libertarians on the ballot this November in partisan races, however we understand this may be too daunting for many. If you think you’d like to run in a partisan race under the Libertarian banner, then by all means, give me call as time is running out.
Just last month Libertarian Scott McPherson was elected mayor of New Port Richey. So we are winning races! Perhaps, you’ll be next.
If you are interested, and would like more information, please reply to this email or contact me, Karl Dickey at karldickey@gmail.com. We will notify your local Libertarian Party leadership so that they can help you find the best Special District office for you, and complete the filing procedure.
From Florida, we have a vice-presidential candidate running (www.thenewlibertarian.org), a presidential candidate, a state representative (Ben Collard), and many others in Florida that have either announced or already filed to run for public office. Don’t watch from the sidelines, participate.

We thank you for your continued support and dedication to the ideals of peace, freedom, and prosperity.

Dear Friend,
Bob Barr has officially launched his campaign for President of the United States.

Speaking alongside his wife Jeri and son Derek at a press conference in Washington DC on May 12th, he announced his candidacy for the Libertarian presidential nomination:
“I’ve heard from Americans from all walks of life… they want a choice. They believe that America has more and better to offer than what the current political situation is serving up to us.

The status quo has given us the litany of problems that we’re all very familiar with. The debt, the deficit, the problems we see in the economy, the trade imbalance, and the occupation of Iraq. These are all children of the status quo.

I will be a candidate precisely to give the American people a voice and give them a meaningful choice so that they do not have to vote for the lesser of two evils.

American voters deserve better. “
Help us to spread this message far and wide to your friends and neighbors. Take a moment to visit our Media Center where you can view Bob’s special online announcement and listen to audio of Bob answering questions from members of the press at the event.
With your generous support Bob will receive the nomination and provide a real choice in November. As our campaign plans for the Libertarian National Convention and beyond, your early financial support is essential to building this effort and continuing our revolution.
Now is the time to join together and send the message that Bob presents a clear alternative to the status quo. Please make a generous contribution of $100, $75, $50, or even $25. Every dollar you give will have a huge impact on our immediate goals.
Toward Liberty,

Bob Barr 2008 Online Team

While the eyes of the world are on the victims of the Typhoons in Myanmar [Burma] and the Earthquake in China, a man made meltdown is happening in Zimbabwe. This meltdown cannot be ignored by a world community that has said “Another Holocaust Will Never Occur” only to have History repeat itself in Cambodia in the 1970’s and Rwanda in 1994. If this man made meltdown in Zimbabwe is not addressed by the World Community, it can spill to neighboring countries and destroy lives. The least the World Community could do is address this situation before the 2010 World Cup in South Africa taking into account that the World Community thinks more about money [in the majority of cases] before lives.

At the present time from the Zimbabwe Situation there have been many reports on what is happening in Zimbabwe. According to SW Radio Africa, ZANU-PF has banned MDC Rallies while ZANU-PF Rallies have been proliferating in the capital city of Harare. Tererai Karimakwenda of SW Radio Africa has reported the arrest of Heya Shoko [An MDC MP] in Masvingo, the confiscation of a Toyota Land Cruiser that belonged to the ZESN [Zimbabwe Election Support Network] by ZANU-PF Supporters in Mudzi, the murder of Sabhuku Elias Madzivanzira in Ward 8 Shamva, and plans of more “electoral cleansing” by ZANU-PF.

Embassy Officials have not escaped as ZANU-PF have attacked Envoys from the USA, EU, and even Tanzania. The economy is in a freefall that Gabriel Gono does not know how Zimbabwe paid a debt and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe is using the Illegal Markets to buy US Dollars. Last but not least, Mugabe has stated that he could not guarantee Morgan Tsvangirai’s Safety. I am writing all of this in the hope that people will read, listen, and start talking about Zimbabwe. I have a warning for Mugabe and ZANU-PF; if Morgan Tsvangerai dies during election campaigning, the blood will be on your hands because your crimes are being documented.

REFERENCE:

http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/may14_2008.html

II.
What, then, is implied in a government’s resting on consent?
If it be said that the consent of the strongest party, in a nation, is all that is necessary to justify the establishment of a government that shall have authority over the weaker party, it may be answered that the most despotic governments in the world rest upon that very principle, viz.: the consent of the strongest party. These governments are formed simply by the consent or agreement of the strongest party, that they will act in concert in subjecting the weaker party to their dominion. And the despotism, and tyranny, and injustice of these governments consist in that very fact. Or at least that is the first step in their tyranny; a necessary preliminary to all the oppressions that are to follow.
If it be said that the consent of the most numerous party, in a nation, is sufficient to justify the establishment of their power over the less numerous party, it may be answered:
First. that two men have no more natural right to exercise any kind of authority over one, than one has to exercise the same authority over two. A man’s natural rights are his own, against the whole world; and any infringement of them is equally a crime; whether committed by one man, or by millions; whether committed by one man, calling himself a robber, (or by any other name indicating his true character), or by millions calling themselves a government.
Second. It would be absurd for the most numerous party to talk of establishing a government over the less numerous party, unless the former were also the strongest, as well as the most numerous; for it is not to be supposed that the strongest party would ever submit to the rule of the weaker party, merely because the latter were the most numerous. And as matter of fact, it is perhaps never that governments are established by the most numerous party. They are usually, if not always, established by the most numerous party; their superior strength consisting in their superior wealth, intelligence, and ability to act in concert.
Third. Our Constitution does not profess to have been established simply by the majority; but by “the people;” the minority, as much as the majority.
Fourth. If our fathers, in 1776, had acknowledged the principle that a ma jority had the right to rule the minority, we should never have become a nation; for they were in a small minority, as compared with those who claimed the right to rule over them.
Fifth. Majorities, as such, afford to guarantees for justice. They are men of the same nature as minorities. They have the same passions for fame, power, and money, as minorities; and are liable and more likely to be equally—perhaps more than equally, because more boldly—rapacious, tyrannical and unprincipled, if intrusted with power. There is no more reason, then, why a man should either sustain, or submit to, the rule of a majority, than of a minority. Majorities and minorities cannot rightfully be taken at all into account in deciding questions of justice. And all talk about them, in matters of government, is mere absurdity. Men are dunces for uniting to sustain any government, or any laws, except those in which they are all agreed. And nothing but force and fraud compel men to sustain any other. To say that majorities, as such, have a right to rule minorities, is equivalent to saying that minorities have, and ought to have, no rights, except such as majorities please to allow them.
Sixth. It is not improbable that many or most of the worst of governments—although established by force, and by a few, in the first place—come, in time, to be supported by a majority. But if they do, this majority is composed in large part, of the most ignorant, superstitious, timid, dependent, servile, and corrupt portions of those who have been deceived by the frauds; and of those who have been corrupted by the inducements of the few who really constitute the government. Such majorities, very likely, could be found in half, perhaps in nine-tenths, of all the countries on the globe. What do they prove? Nothing but the tyranny and corruption of the very governments that have reduced so large portions of the people to their present ignorance, servility, degradation, and corruption; an ignorance, servility, degradation, and corruption that are best illustrated in the simple fact that they do sustain the governments that have so oppressed, degraded, and corrupted them. They do nothing towards providing that the governments themselves are legitimate; or that they ought to be sustained, or even endured, by those who understand their true character. The mere fact, therefore, that a government chances to be sustained by a majority, of itself proves nothing that is necessary to be proved, in order to know whether such government should be sustained, or not.
Seventh. The principle that the majority have a right to rule the minority, practically resolves all government into a mere contest between two bodies of men, as to which of them shall be masters, and which of them slaves; a contest, that—however bloody—can, in the nature of things, never be finally closed, so long as man refuses to be a slave.

III.
But to say that the consent of either the strongest party, or the most numerous party, in a nation, is a sufficient justification for the establishment or maintenance of a government that shall control the whole nation, does not obviate the difficulty. The question still remains, how comes such a thing as “a nation” to exist? How do many millions of men, scattered over an extensive territory—each gifted by nature with individual freedom; required by the law of nature to call no man, or body of men, his masters; authorized by that law to seek his own happiness in his own way, to do what he will with himself and his property, so long as he does not trespass upon the equal liberty of others; authorized also, by that law, to defend his own rights, and redress his own wrongs; and to go to the assistance and defense of any of his fellow men who may be suffering any kind of injustice—how do many millions of such men come to be a nation, in the first place? How is it that each of them comes compressed, compacted, and consolidated into a mass with other men, whom he never saw; with whom he has no contract; and towards many of whom he has no sentiments but fear, hatred, or contempt? How does he become subjected to the control of men like himself, who, by nature, had no authority over him; but who command him to do this, and forbid him to do that, as if they were his sovereigns, and he their subject; and as if their wills who compel him to submission under peril of confiscation, imprisonment, or death?
Clearly all this is the work of force, fraud, or both.
By what right, then, did we become “a nation?” By what right do we continue to be “a nation?” And by what right do either the strongest, or the most numerous, party, now existing within the territorial limits, called “The United States,” claim that there really is such “a nation” as the United States? Certainly they are bound to show the rightful existence of “a nation,” before they can claim, on that ground, that they themselves have a right to control it; to seize, for their purposes, so much of every man’s property within it, as they may choose; and, at their discretion, to compel any man to risk his own life, or take the lives of other men, for the maintenance of their power.
To speak of either their numbers, or their strength, is not to the purpose. The question is by what right does the nation exist? And by what right are so many atrocities committed by its authority? or for its preservation?
The answer to this question must certainly be, that at least such a nation exists by no right whatsoever.
We are, therefore, driven to the acknowledgment that nations and governments, if they can rightfully exist at all, can exist only by consent.

IV.
The question, then, returns, What is implied in a government’s resting on consent?
Manifestly this one thing (to say nothing of others) is necessarily implied in the idea of a government’s resting on consent, viz.: the separate, individual consent of every man who is required to contribute, either by taxation or personal service, to the support of the government. All this, or nothing, is necessarily implied, because one man’s consent is just as necessary as any other man’s. If, for example, A claims that his consent is necessary to the establishment or maintenance of government, he thereby necessarily admits that B’s and every other man’s are equally necessary; because B’s and every other man’s rights are just as good as his own. On the other hand, if he denies that B’s or any other particular man’s consent is necessary, he thereby necessarily admits that neither his own, nor any other man’s is necessary; and that government need not be founded on consent at all.
There is, therefore, no alternative but to say, either that the separate, individual consent of every man who is required to aid, in any way, in supporting the government, is necessary, or that the consent of no one is necessary.
Clearly this individual consent is indispensable to the idea of treason; for if a man has never consented or agreed to support a government, he breaks no faith in refusing to support it. And if he makes war upon it, he does so as an open enemy, and not as a traitor—that is, as a betrayer, or treacherous friend.
All this, or nothing, was necessarily implied in the Declaration made in 1776. If the necessity for consent, then announced, was a sound principle in favor of three millions of man, it was an equally sound one in favor of three men, or of one man. If the principle was a sound one in behalf of men living on a separate continent, it was an equally sound one in behalf of a man living on a separate farm, or in a separate house.
Moreover, it was only as separate individuals, each acting for himself and not as members of organized governments, that the three millions declared their consent to be necessary to their support of a government; and, at the same time, declared their dissent to the support of the British Crown. The governments, then existing in the Colonies, had no constitutional power, as governments, to declare the separation between England and America. On the contrary, those governments, as governments, were organized under charters from, and acknowledged allegiance to, the British Crown. Of course the British king never made it one of the chartered or constitutional powers of those governments, as governments, to absolve the people from their allegiance to himself. So far, therefore, as the Colonial Legislatures acted as revolutionists they acted only as so many individual revolutionists, and not as constitutional legislatures. And their representatives at Philadelphia, who first declared independence, were, in the eye of the constitutional law of that day, simply a committee of Revolutionists, and in no sense constitutional authorities, or the representatives of constitutional authorities.
It was also, in the eye of the law, only as separate individuals, each acting for himself, and exercising simply his natural rights as an individual, that the people at large assented to, and ratified the declaration.
It was also only as so many individuals, each acting for himself, and exercising simply his natural rights, that they revolutionized the constitutional character of their local governments (so as to exclude the idea of allegiance to Great Britain); changing their forms only as and when their convenience dictated.
The whole Revolution, therefore, as a Revolution, was declared and accomplished by the people, acting separately as individuals, and exercising each his natural rights, and not by their governments in the exercise of their constitutional powers.
It was, therefore, as individuals, and only as individuals, each acting for himself alone, that they declared that their consent—that is, their individual consent, for each one could consent only for himself—was necessary to the creation or perpetuity of any government that they could rightfully be called upon to support.
In the same way each declared, for himself, that his own will, pleasure, and discretion were the only authorities he had any occasion to consult, in determining whether he would any longer support the government under which he had always lived. And if this action of each individual were valid and rightful when he had so many other individuals to keep him company, it would have been, in the view of natural justice and right, equally valid and rightful, if he had taken the same step alone. He had the same natural right to take up arms alone to take up arms alone to defend his own property against a single tax-gatherer, that he had to take up arms in company with three millions of others, to defend the property of all against an army of tax-gatherers.
Thus the whole Revolution turned upon, asserted, and, in theory, established, the right of each and every man, at his discretion, to release himself from the support of the government under which he had lived. And this principle was asserted, not as a right peculiar to themselves, or to that time, or as applicable only to the government then existing; but as a universal right of all men, at all times, and under all circumstances.
George the Third called our ancestors traitors for what they did at the time. But they were not traitors in fact, whatever he or his laws may have called them. They were not traitors in fact, because the betrayed nobody, and broke faith with nobody. They were his equals, owing him no allegiance, obedience, nor any other duty, except such as they owed to mankind at large. Their political relations with him had been purely voluntary. They had never pledged their faith to him that they would continue these relations any longer than it should please them to do so; and therefore they broke no faith in parting with him. They simply exercised their natural right of saying to him, and to the English people, that they were under no obligation to continue their political connexion with them, and that, for reasons of their own, they chose to dissolve it.
What was true of our ancestors, is true of revolutionists in general. The monarchs and governments, from whom they choose to separate, attempt to stigmatize them as traitors. But they are not traitors in fact; inasmuch as they betray, and break faith with, no one. Having pledged no faith, they break none. They are simply men, who, for reasons of their own—whether good or bad, wise or unwise, is immaterial—choose to exercise their natural right of dissolving their connexion with the governments under which they have lived. In doing this, they no more commit the crime of treason— which necessarily implied treachery, deceit, breach of faith—than a man commits treason when he chooses to leave a church, or any other voluntary association, with which he has been connected.
This principle was a true one in 1776. It is a true one now. It is the only one on which any rightful government can rest. It is the one on which the Constitution itself professes to rest. If it does not really rest on that basis, it has no right to exist; and it is the duty of every man to raise his hand against it.
If the men of the Revolution designed to incorporate in the Constitution the absurd ideas of allegiance and treason, which they had once repudiated, against which they had fought, and by which the world had been enslaved, they thereby established for themselves an indisputable claim to the disgust and detestation of all mankind.
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In subsequent numbers, the author hopes to show that, under the principle of individual consent, the little government that mankind need, is not only practicable, but natural and easy; and that the Constitution of the United States authorizes no government, except one depending wholly on voluntary support.